USS Black Arrow (ID-1534) was a troop transport commissioned in 1919 to assist in the post-World War I repatriation of U.S. troops from France. Black Arrow was originally SS Rhaetia, a passenger-cargo ship built in Germany in 1904–05 for the Hamburg-America Line. From 1905 to 1914, Rhaetia operated primarily between Hamburg, Germany and South America, though she was also intermittently employed as an immigrant ship to the United States. With the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, Rhaetia was interned at Philadelphia.

With the entry of the United States into the war in April 1917, Rhaetia and other German ships interned in U.S. ports were seized by the U.S. government for possible use in the war effort. After repairs, the former Rhaetia went into service with the U.S. Army as a general transport under the names USAT Black Hawk and later USAT Black Arrow, making five round trips between the United States and France from June 1917 to the end of the war in November. The ship was then converted into a troop transport in order to assist with the repatriation of U.S. troops from France. Commissioned into the U.S. Navy as USS Black Arrow (ID-1534), the ship subsequently made three round trips to France from April to July 1919, returning a total of 4,759 troops to the United States, before decommissioning in August.

Reverting to the name SS Black Arrow following her naval decommission, the vessel was given a refit before being chartered by the United States Shipping Board to the American Line. She then recommenced merchant service as a passenger-cargo ship, inaugurating a new service from New York to Black Sea and Near East ports, and in December 1919 became the first ship to return to the United States from Constantinople since the outbreak of the war. After only one more voyage to the Near East however, the ship was given another refit and chartered to the Ward Line for service between New York and Spain.

In August 1921, on her fourth voyage to Spain, Black Arrow ran aground off the Spanish coast at Cape Vilan. Refloated, she was returned to New York in November but saw no further service. After being laid up for an extended period, she was scrapped at New Jersey in late 1924.

Rhaetia—a steel-hulled, screw-propelled passenger-cargo ship and the sister ship of Rugia—was built in 1904–05 by Bremer Vulcan of Vegesack, Germany, for the South American service of the Hamburg-America Line. Her yard number was 476. She was launched 5 November 1904 and completed 5 May 1905.

Rhaetia had a length of 408 feet 4 inches (124.46 m), beam of 52 feet 7 inches (16.03 m), hold depth of 28 feet (8.5 m) and draft of about 25 feet (7.6 m). She had a gross register tonnage of 6,600, net register tonnage of 4,141, deadweight tonnage of 7,050 long tons and (as measured in later U.S. Navy service) displacement of 11,900 long tons. She was fitted with accommodation for 100 first-class and 800 third-class (steerage) passengers, which included "all modern appliances for lighting, heating and refrigeration." Her original cargo capacity is not known, but in later American service it was listed as 330,330 cubic feet bale or 356,229 cu grain. The vessel had two masts, a single smokestack; one deck not including the shelter deck; nine waterproof bulkheads, and water ballast tanks with a total capacity of 1,144 tons.

Rhaetia was powered by a 3200 ihp four-cylinder quadruple expansion steam engine with cylinders of 24, 35, 51 and 72 inches (61, 89, 130 and 183 cm) by 54-inch (140 cm) stroke, driving a single screw propeller. Steam was supplied by four single-ended, coal-fired Scotch boilers with a working pressure of 215 psi (1,480 kPa). With a coal bunker capacity of 1,590 tons and average coal consumption of 46 tons per day, the ship had a steaming radius of 8,784 nautical miles (16,268 km; 10,108 mi). Rhaetia had a service speed of 13 knots (15 mph; 24 km/h).

In early January 1922, a few weeks after Black Arrow's return to New York, the vessel was offered for sale by the USSB, "as is, where is". Later, she was laid up in the Passaic River, New Jersey, for an extended period.

By 1924, Black Arrow and several other ex-USSB ships had been acquired by H. L. Crawford & Co. for the purpose of testing a new ship-breaking method which the firm's proprietor, H. L. Crawford, hoped would prove competitive with foreign yards. Crawford founded a new $75,000 firm, the American Ship Breaking Company, and established a shipbreaking plant at Howland Hook, New Jersey. In September 1924, Black Arrow had her machinery removed on Crawford's behalf at the Shupe Terminal Company, Kearny, New Jersey, after which the ship was to be taken to the Howland Hook plant for dismantling of the hull.


Formula of Love: O+T=<3 is the third Korean studio album (sixth overall) by South Korean girl group Twice. It was released on November 12, 2021, by JYP Entertainment and Republic Records. It follows the release of the group's first English-language single, "The Feels".

Selling over 700,000 units during its pre-order period, the album became Twice's best-selling album to date; surpassing a record previously held by More & More (2020). Primarily a disco-pop record, the album encapsulates a handful of genres such as Latin pop, hip hop, R&B, and synthpop. It also debuted at number three on the Billboard 200 with 66,000 album-equivalent units, becoming the group's fourth and highest entry on the chart.

Following Eyes Wide Open (2020), Formula of Love: O+T=<3 is Twice's third Korean-language studio album. It is the group's third release in 2021, following their tenth Korean extended play, Taste of Love, and third Japanese album, Perfect World.

Formula of Love: O+T=<3 was first teased by Twice member Chaeyoung on September 13, 2021, in the behind-the-scenes video for her photoshoot with OhBoy! magazine, although at the time, not much was known about it. At the end of the music video of Twice's first English single, "The Feels", a full-length album scheduled to be released in November 2021 was teased. The name of the album and its release date were revealed on October 8. A preview showing the four versions of the physical album was posted on October 12. Pre-orders began later that day. On October 29, the album's track listing was announced.

Formula of Love: O+T=<3 is a fifteen-track[c] album that features genres such as city pop, dance-pop, deep house, disco, hip hop, Latin pop, nu-disco, reggaeton, and R&B. Twice members Nayeon, Jihyo, Dahyun, and Chaeyoung took part in writing some songs from the album. In an interview with the Associated Press, Jihyo revealed that the death of a houseplant was her inspiration for writing the song "Cactus".

Formula of Love: O+T=<3 opens with its title track, "Scientist", a "funky" dance-pop song, blending elements of synth-pop and deep house by featuring '80s-inspired synths with "groovy" bass lines in its production. Lyrically, it delves into the theme of love and studying the fundamentals of romance, and by using science-related word play, they declare there is no right answer to love. It is followed by two English songs, "Moonlight" and "Icon"; with the former channeling '80s nostalgia through its "tropical disco vibes" and "cute percussion, claps and marimba leads", and the latter asserting the "most swag Twice can offer".[16] Following these two are songs written by Twice members, "Cruel" by Dahyun, "Real You" by Jihyo, and "F.I.L.A. (Fall in Love Again)" by Nayeon.

On November 10, 2021, it was reported that the album had gained over 630,000 pre-order sales by November 8, becoming Twice's most pre-ordered and best-selling album of all-time before its release. By November 10, it had reached over 700,000 pre-order sales. In its first week, MRC Data reported that the album had sold 66,000 album-equivalent units in the United States. Of these, 58,000 were pure sales, 8,000 were streaming-equivalent units, and a negligible amount were track-equivalent units. On January 6, 2022, the Korea Music Content Association (KMCA) certified Formula of Love: O+T=<3 2× Platinum after it sold more than 500,000 units in South Korea.

Formula of Love: O+T=<3 debuted at number 1 on South Korea's Gaon Album Chart, making it Twice's tenth number-one album on the chart; following More & More (2020). In Japan, it peaked at number 17 on Billboard Japan's Hot Albums chart and at number 2 on Oricon's Albums Chart. The album became Twice's highest-charting album in the US and Canada to date, peaking at numbers 3 and 17 on the Billboard 200 and the Canadian Albums Chart, respectively. In addition to this feat, the album has spent 8 consecutive weeks on the Billboard 200. Moreover, on other Billboard charts, the album peaked at numbers 7, 2, and 1 on Tastemakers, Top Album Sales, and World Albums, respectively. In Europe, the album appeared on Belgium's Ultratop Flanders and Wallonia 200 Albums, Finland's Top 50 Albums, Lithuania's Top 100 Albums, the Netherlands' Album Top 100, and the United Kingdom's Album Downloads Chart.


Shining Tears X Wind is a Japanese anime based on the PlayStation 2 games Shining Tears and Shining Wind. Shining Tears X Wind presents an adapted version of Shining Wind's story, seen from the perspective of the character Souma. It is directed by Hiroshi Watanabe and produced by Studio Deen. The series started airing in Japan on April 6, 2007 and finished airing on June 29, 2007. The anime has the same opening and ending themes as the game Shining Tears. A sequel to this is a mobile game entitled Shining Wind X, which was released in January 2008.

A group of students from St. Luminous College are investigating the mysterious disappearances that are happening all around Tatsumi Town. One student, who was researching a book entitled 'End Earth', which describes an alternate world, also mysteriously disappears. As Mao, a being from the other world, enters their world in order to look for her friend, Zero, she teams up with Souma and Kureha in order to battle a monster who also came to their world. Just when things seem to go their way, an accident teleports Souma and Kureha into another world. To make things more complicated, Zero appears to the two stating that he will now entrust the world to Souma. As they travel this new world, they encounter familiar friends and enemies, and they begin to realize that getting back to their own world is harder than they previously thought.

In End Earth, a war, surrounding a legendary item called "The Holy Grail", begins. Zero later tells Souma that the world will end if Zeroboros, the guardian of time and space, awakens. This guardian will use whoever wins the war as a body.

Souma Akizuki
An athletic student who, along with Kureha, was transported to the dream continent, End Earth. At the beginning of the series, Souma has feelings for Kureha, despite knowing that she has feelings for Kiriya; he sometimes gets annoyed at Kiriya for not noticing her feelings for him. He then confesses his affection for her, which apparently is not mutual, shortly before being transported to the other world. After seeing Kureha presumably die, he was able to pull out a legendary sword from Kureha's body. Souma turns out to be a 'Soul Blader', which is a person that can form a sword from the heart of any person he shares similar emotions with. Unlike Kureha, Souma would rather stay in End Earth, as he believes that it is the right place for him and since he thinks that he could be "together" with Kureha in End Earth. Later, after Souma and Kureha meet up with Kiriya and Seena, he departs from the group, leaving Kiriya and Seena to take care of Kureha, realizing that she did not feel the same way about him and thus decided to no longer use Kureha's heart as a Soul Blade, since he knew that her heart had feelings for Kiriya. So, he temporarily uses a katana when there are no Soul Blades around for him to use. When Souma and Kureha were between dimensions, they were greeted by Zero, who entrusted Souma in guarding the world from then on. After his second meeting with Zero, he receives one of the Twin Dragon Rings, and begins to see the world in a whole new way. His attitude also shifts from a rash and emotional state, to having a calm and understanding demeanor. Souma becomes a sort of mediator, not taking any sides, and travels with Lazarus, Ryuna, Elwyn, and Blanc Neige, in his mission to protect and save the world. After expressing his desire to join Weissritter, he is nominated as its proxy leader. In the end, after seeing Mao's sad and tearful face, he realizes his true feelings for Mao and her feelings for him. Souma then decides to give up his chance of going back to his own world and decides to stay with Mao and Weissritter.
Out of the rest of the characters, Souma was able to extract the most Soul Blades; having drawn blades from Kureha, Hiruda, Kiriya, who in fact possesses his Holy Grail, and also from all the members of the current Weissritter.

Touka Kureha
A student who also happens to work at a shrine as a miko, or shinto priestess. Kureha is skilled in the art of archery, or kyūdō. She was transported to End Earth with Souma after they helped Mao defeat a monster. Upon their arrival, she was attacked by monsters and presumably died. Fortunately, she was revealed to be unscathed after Souma pulled out a sword from her body, the Spirit Sword Snow Moon Flower. After Kiriya and Souma's fight, she joins Kiriya and the other Luminous Knights. Kiriya can also draw a sword from her, the Spirit Sword Blazing Sunlight. Kureha has feelings for Kiriya, but she never expresses them to him. In the end, she returns to her own world, together with Kiriya and Seena.

Kaito Kiriya
A quiet and shy student who receives a message from an elven woman from End Earth. When he tells his friends, the group dismisses the message as they believe it to only be a dream. Kiriya is a skilled swordsman; ranging from kendo to fencing. It is said that no one could beat him if he was to fight seriously. The cherry blossom of their college transports him and Seena to End Earth right after Souma and Kureha, taking the entire building as well. He becomes the knight for an independent mercenary group called the 'Luminous Knights', which is started by Seena. Like Souma, Kiriya is also a Soul Blader, who uses Seena's "heart" as a sword. Kiriya is completely oblivious to Kureha's and Seena's feelings for him, the latter being one of his childhood friends. He later forms a close bond with an elf named Xecty, who is later revealed to be an artificial recreation of the Elven Queen. Until Xecty's death, he was confident in his mission to have Saionji admit defeat. Since the start of the war, his attitude shifted from his shy and quiet self, to a rash and emotional state, who sees that fighting is the only way to win (the complete opposite to Souma's change of behavior). He is later revealed to hold Souma's Holy Grail, Souma's Ultimate Soul Blade. The one who holds his Holy Grail is Xecty. In the end, he chooses to return to his own world, together with Kureha and Seena.


Miguel Gregorio de la Luz Atenógenes Miramón y Tarelo, known as Miguel Miramón, (29 September 1831 – 19 June 1867) was a Mexican conservative general who became president of Mexico at the age of 27 during the Reform War, serving between February 1859 and December 1860. He was the first Mexican president to be born after the Mexican War of Independence.

A cadet in military school at the beginning of the Mexican–American War, Miramón saw action at the Battle of Molino del Rey and the Battle of Chapultepec during the American invasion of Mexico City. After the triumph of the liberal Plan of Ayutla in 1855, Miramón participated in a series of conservative counter coups until his efforts merged with the wider Reform War, triggered by the Plan of Tacubaya led by Félix Zuloaga in 1859, which rejected the liberal Constitution of 1857. The first year of the war was marked by a series of conservative victories led by Miramón, where his victories led the press to dub him "Young Maccabee". After a moderate faction of conservatives overthrew Zuloaga in an effort to reach a compromise with liberals, a conservative junta of representatives elected Miramón as president. Miramón would lead the conservatives for the rest of the war, leading two sieges against the liberal capital of Veracruz, where Benito Juárez maintained his role as president of the Second Federal Republic. The second siege failed after the United States Navy intercepted Miramón's naval forces, and liberal victories accumulated hereafter, ending the war in 1860. Miramón escaped the country and went into exile in Europe, being received at the Spanish court.

He returned to Mexico in 1862 during the early stages of the Second French intervention, offering his assistance to the Second Mexican Empire. Emperor Maximilian was a liberal and in order to diffuse conservative opposition to the Empire, he sent Miramón to Prussia, ostensibly to study military tactics. Miramón returned to serve the conservatives, and supported Maximilian until the fall of the Second Mexican Empire in May 1867. The restored Mexican government had Miramón, Maximilian and Tomas Mejía court martialed and sentenced to death. They were shot on June 19, 1867.

During the period of La Reforma, Miramón participated in the various conservative counter revolutions after the triumph of the liberal Plan of Ayutla in 1855. He joined Antonio de Haro y Tamariz at Zacapoaxtla in 1856, fighting at the head of the 10th and 11th battalions at the Loma de Montero. He saw action at the goteras de Puebla on March 10, but went into hiding when the city fell.

In October, 1856, he was second in command of a conservative revolt proclaimed at Puebla. With a thousand soldiers, he defended the city for forty three days against an army of six thousand man, causing great damage to the liberal forces. When the city finally fell Miramón refused to surrender and instead at the head of one hundred and fifty men fled and took the city of Toluca on January 18, 1857, seizing some artillery and then heading to the town of Temascaltepec where he was wounded and defeated. He was imprisoned, but escaped in September, soon after joining the reactionary forces in the South. As second in command, he captured the city of Cuernavaca and in January 1858 to Mexico City where the Plan of Tacubaya led by Félix Zuloaga had overthrown the liberal government of Ignacio Comonfort, also inaugurating what came to be known as the Reform War.

Miramón's most important military priority was now the capture of Veracruz. He left the capital on February 16, leading his troops in person along with his minister of war. Meanwhile, Aguascalientes and Guanajuato had fallen to the liberals. Liberal troops in the West were led by Degollado and headquartered in Morelia, which now served as a liberal arsenal. The conservatives meanwhile, feeling the effects of the malarial climate, abandoned the siege of Veracruz by March 29. Degollado made another attempt on Mexico City in early April and was utterly routed in Tacubaya by Leonardo Márquez, who captured a large amount of war material, and who also in this battle gained infamy for including medics among those executed in the aftermath of the battle.

On April 6, the Juárez government was recognized by the United States, and on July 12, the liberal government nationalized the property of the church, and suppressed the monasteries, the sale of which provided the liberal war effort with new funds, though not as much as had been hoped for since speculators were waiting for more stable times to make purchases.

Miramón met the liberal forces in November at which a truce was declared and a conference was held on the matter of the Constitution of 1857 and the possibility of a constituent congress. Negotiations broke down, however and hostilities resumed on the 12th after which Degollado was routed at the Battle of Las Vacas.

On December 14, 1859, the Juárez government signed the Mclane Ocampo Treaty, which granted the U.S. perpetual rights to transport goods across three key trade routes in Mexico, including troops, and granted Americans an element of extraterritoriality. The treaty caused consternation among the conservatives, the European press, and members of Juárez' cabinet, however the issue was rendered moot when the U.S. Senate failed to approve the treaty.

Meanwhile, Miramón was preparing another siege of Veracruz, heading out of the capital on February 8, once again leading his troops in person along with his war minister, hoping to rendevouz with a small naval squadron led by the Mexican General Marin, and disembarking from Havana. The United States Navy however had orders to intercept it.

Miramón arrived at Medellin on the 2nd of March, and awaited for Marin's attack in order to begin the siege. The American steamer Indianola however had anchored itself near the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, in order to defend Veracruz from attack.

On March 6, Marin's squadron, composed of the General Miramón, and the Marques de la Habana, arrived in Veracruz, and captured by Captain Jarvis of the U.S. Navy. The ships were sent to New Orleans, along with the now imprisoned General Marin, depriving the conservatives of an attacking force and the substantial amount of artillery, guns, and rations that they were carrying on board for delivery to Miramón.

Miramón's effort to siege Veracruz was abandoned on the 20th of March, and he arrived back in the capital on April 7. The conservatives had also been suffering defeats in the interior losing Aguascalients and San Luis Potosi before the end of April. Degollado was sent into the interior to lead the liberal campaign as their enemies now ran out of resources. He appointed Uraga as Quartermaster General.

Maximilian, Miramón, and Mejía were tried for violating an 1862 Decree passed in the early stages of the French Intervention, against traitors and invaders. After the trial, a unanimous verdict of guilty was brought forth on the night of June 14, and the sentence of death was passed.

Among those who pled President Juárez to spare their lives was Miramón's wife who weeping with her two children, fainted at the foot of the president. Maximilian wrote to his European relatives asking them to take care of Miramón's wife and her children.

The three condemned were led to the Cerro de las Campanas outside of Querétaro on the morning of June 19. Miramón and Mejía stood to the side of Maximilian, but the latter then remarked to Miramón that “a brave soldier is respected by his sovereign; permit me to yield to you the place of honor,” and Miramón was subsequently given the center position. Before being executed he read a brief piece disavowing the charge of traitor. All three were executed at around seven in the morning.


Christian Democracy was a Christian democratic political party in Italy. The DC was founded on 15 December 1943 in the Italian Social Republic (Nazi-occupied Italy) as the ideal successor of the Italian People's Party, which had the same symbol, a crusader shield (scudo crociato). As a Catholic-inspired, centrist, catch-all party comprising both centre-right and centre-left political factions, the DC played a dominant role in the politics of Italy for fifty years, and had been part of the government from soon after its inception until its final demise on 16 January 1994 amid the Tangentopoli scandals. Christian Democrats led the Italian government continuously from 1946 until 1981. The party was nicknamed the "White Whale" (Italian: Balena bianca) due to its huge organization and official color. During its time in government, the Italian Communist Party was the largest opposition party.

From 1946 until 1994, the DC was the largest party in the Italian Parliament, governing in successive coalitions, including the Pentapartito system. It originally supported liberal-conservative governments, along with the moderate Italian Democratic Socialist Party, the Italian Liberal Party, and the Italian Republican Party, before moving towards the Organic Centre-left involving the Italian Socialist Party. The party was succeeded by a string of smaller parties, including the Italian People's Party, the Christian Democratic Centre, the United Christian Democrats, and the still active Union of the Centre. Former DC members are also spread among other parties, including the centre-right Forza Italia and the centre-left Democratic Party. It was a founding member of the European People's Party in 1976.

The party's ideological sources were principally to be found in Catholic social teaching, the Christian democratic doctrines developed from the 19th century (see Christian democracy), and on the political thought of Romolo Murri and Luigi Sturzo and ultimately in the tradition of the defunct Italian People's Party. Two Papal encyclicals, Rerum novarum (1891) of Pope Leo XIII, and Quadragesimo anno (1931) of Pope Pius XI, offered a basis for social and political doctrine.

In economics, the DC preferred competition to cooperation, supported the model of social market economy and rejected the Marxist's idea of class struggle. The party thus advocated collaboration between social classes and was basically a catch-all party which aimed to represent all Italian Catholics, both right-wing and left-wing, under the principle of the "political unity of Catholics" against socialism, communism and anarchism. It ultimately represented the majority of Italians who were opposed to the Italian Communist Party. The party was however originally equidistant between the Communists and the hard right represented by the Italian Social Movement.

As a catch-all party, the DC differed from other European Christian Democratic parties, such as the Christian Democratic Union of Germany that were mainly conservative parties, with DC comprising conservative as well as social-democratic and liberal elements. The party was thus divided in many factions and party life was characterised by factionalism and by the double adherence of members to the party and the factions, often identified with individual leaders.

The DC was characterised by a number of factions, spanning from left to right and continually evolving.

In the early years, centrists and liberal-conservatives such as Alcide De Gasperi, Giuseppe Pella, Ezio Vanoni and Mario Scelba led the party. After them, progressives led by Amintore Fanfani were in charge, though opposed by right wing led by Antonio Segni. The party's left wing, with its roots in the left of the late Italian People's Party (Giovanni Gronchi, Achille Grandi and controversial Fernando Tambroni), was reinforced by new leaders such as Giuseppe Dossetti, Giorgio La Pira, Giuseppe Lazzati and Fanfani himself. Most of them were social democrats by European standards.

The party was often led by centrist figures unaffiliated to any faction such as Aldo Moro, Mariano Rumor (both closer to the centre-left) and Giulio Andreotti (closer to the centre-right). Moreover, often, if the government was led by a centre-right Christian Democrat, the party was led by a left-winger and vice versa. This was what happened in the 1950s when Fanfani was party secretary and the government was led by centre-right figures such as Scelba and Segni and in the late 1970s when Benigno Zaccagnini, a progressive, led the party and Andreotti the government: this custom, in clear contrast with the principles of a Westminster system, deeply weakened DC-led governments, that even with great majorities were de facto unable to conciliate the several factions of the party, and ultimately the office of Prime Minister (defined by the Constitution of Italy as a primus inter pares among ministers), turning the Italian party system into a particracy (partitocrazia).

From the 1980s the party was divided between the centre-right led by Arnaldo Forlani (supported also by the party's right wing) and the centre-left led by Ciriaco De Mita (whose supporters included trade unionists and the internal left), with Andreotti holding the balance. De Mita, who led the party from 1982 to 1989, curiously tried to transform the party into a mainstream "conservative party" in line with the European People's Party in order to preserve party unity. He was replaced by Forlani in 1989, after that becoming Prime Minister in 1988. Disagreements between de Mita and Forlani brought Andreotti back to prime-ministership from 1989 to 1992.

With the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of great ideologies and ultimately the Tangentopoli scandals, the heterogeneous nature of the party led it to its collapse. The bulk of the DC joined the new Italian People's Party (PPI), but immediately several centre-right elements led by Pier Ferdinando Casini joined the Christian Democratic Centre (CCD), while others directly joined Forza Italia. A split from the PPI, the United Christian Democrats (CDU), joined Forza Italia and the CCD in the centre-right Pole of Freedoms coalition (later becoming the Pole for Freedoms), while the PPI was a founding member of The Olive Tree centre-left coalition in 1996.


The Evercade is a handheld game console developed and manufactured by UK company Blaze Entertainment. It focuses on retrogaming with ROM cartridges that each contain a number of emulated games. Development began in 2018, and the console was released in May 2020, after a few delays. Upon its launch, the console offered 10 game cartridges with a combined total of 122 games.

Arc System Works, Atari, G-Mode, Interplay Entertainment, Bandai Namco Entertainment and Piko Interactive have released emulated versions of their games for the Evercade. Pre-existing homebrew games have also been re-released for the console by Mega Cat Studios. The Evercade is capable of playing games originally released for the Atari 2600, the Atari 7800, the Atari Lynx, the Intellivision, the NES, the SNES, and the Sega Genesis/Mega Drive, as well as arcade games.

On 31 May 2022, Blaze Entertainment announced that the console would be discontinued, with the improved Evercade EXP set to release during winter 2022-23.

The Evercade was developed by the UK-based Blaze Entertainment, which had previously produced Atari-related products and the Game Gadget. Blaze began development of the Evercade in 2018, with the intention of creating a console superior to plug-and-play devices. The Evercade was announced in April 2019, as a portable retrogaming console with the ability to be connected to a television screen. The console would play emulated video games, with a focus on the 8-bit and 16-bit gaming eras.

The Evercade was initially scheduled to release in the fourth quarter of 2019, before being delayed to 20 March 2020. The release was later pushed back to 22 May 2020, although this was expected to be delayed up to two additional weeks in some areas because of shipping delays, caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. The console retailed for £60/$80 with a pack-in game cartridge, while a premium edition retailed for £80/$100 and included three game cartridges. The console is white and red in color, for a retro appearance like the Nintendo Famicom, although a black edition was also sold in the United Kingdom. Andrew Byatt, the Evercade's development director, hoped to sell hundreds of thousands of units within the first year.

On 31 May 2022, Blaze announced that it would discontinue the Evercade in favor of an upgraded version known as the Evercade EXP.

The Evercade has a 1.2 GHz Cortex-A7 processor, and the console uses a Linux base. The Evercade is just over seven inches long. The Evercade has 256 megabytes of RAM. It has a horizontal 4.3-inch LCD screen, with a resolution of 480x272 pixels. The screen uses the 16:9 aspect ratio, as some of the console's games were originally released for systems – such as the Atari Lynx – that use a wider screen ratio than 4:3. The player can switch between the two aspect ratios.

Like the Nintendo Switch, the Evercade can be connected to a television, however with a mini-HDMI cable, as opposed to a normal HDMI output. The Evercade offers a television output of 720p, and supports high-definition upscaling on all games when the console is connected to a television. The console has a rechargeable 2,000-mAh battery that lasts four to five hours. A 3.5 minijack for headphones is located on the bottom of the console, along with two volume controls. The cartridge slot, power button, and the mini-HDMI port are located on the top of the system. A MicroUSB port is used for charging the battery. Unlike modern handheld consoles, the Evercade does not have a touch screen or Wi-Fi connectivity.

Blaze Entertainment developed 20 versions of the Evercade D-pad before settling on a final version. The design is based on the D-pads featured on the Sega Genesis/Mega Drive and Sega Saturn controllers. Aside from the D-pad, the console includes four action buttons on the front and two trigger buttons on top. It also has "menu", "select" and "start" buttons. The layout of the four action buttons was determined after Blaze conducted an online poll, which found that 68 percent of people wanted a layout like those used on modern game controllers. However, this created confusion, as in-game prompts do not always match the buttons (a player may need to press "B" when prompted to press "A"). As the console launched, Blaze released a firmware update for the layout issue, requiring the user to connect the console through USB to the Evercade website.

Two-player games converted for the Evercade retain the multiplayer function, with the intention that future hardware will allow two players. The addition of Bluetooth had been considered as a way to add multiplayer, but the development team scrapped this idea because of cost and complexity, which did not go well with the console's focus. At the end of 2019, before the Evercade's release, Blaze was already working on a second version with multiplayer capability and a possible, easier alternative for connecting the console to a television.

Evercade games are distributed on multi-game ROM cartridges, each one usually containing between 5 and 20 games, although 2 of the cartridges contain only 2 or 3 games. Evercade cartridges support the ability to save a game, a modern feature not usually present in older games. The Evercade's use of game cartridges was considered unique, as most retro handheld consoles used built-in or downloaded game ROMs. Unlike other retro consoles, the goal for the Evercade was to provide retrogamers a chance to build a collection of physical games. Cartridges, clamshell packaging, and paper instruction manuals were part of the effort to appeal to retrogamers, as digital game downloads had become common in recent years. Cartridges and their packaging are numbered to encourage collecting. Evercade cartridges are white in color, and are similar in size to Game Boy and Game Gear cartridges.


Westside is a New Zealand comedy drama television series created by Rachel Lang and James Griffin[2] for South Pacific Pictures. It is a prequel to Outrageous Fortune, and chronicles the lives of Ted and Rita West. The show aired from 31 May 2015 to 16 November 2020 on Three.

Series 4 premiered on 9 July 2018. On 21 July 2018 NZ on Air announced funding for a fifth series which will consist of 10 episodes. On 19 July 2019, NZ on Air announced funding for a sixth and final series of Westside.

The first series is set in the 1970s, it features a Westie couple, and stars Antonia Prebble and David de Lautour as Rita and Ted West. In the first episode, set in 1974, it features John Walker beating Rod Dixon in the 1500 metres at the 1974 Commonwealth Games. Each episode covers one year, from 1974 to 1979, with events like the Muldoon election, dawn raids on overstayers, carless days, and the birth of the punk rock scene in Auckland.

The second series is set in 1981, and follows the Springbok Tour. The series starts with Rita returning home from prison to find the West household in disrepair. Throughout the course of the series Ted's gang plots to steal from the South Africans visiting New Zealand, preventing them from buying land, while Rita plans a job against developer Evan Lace.

The third series is set in 1982 and deals with the fallout from the Evan Lace job and Wolf's first meeting with his future wife, Cheryl.

In July 2014, NZ on Air approved funding of NZ$4.8 million for the miniseries. On 28 July 2015, NZ on Air approved funding of NZ$7.6 million for a second series, on 2 August 2016 NZ$6.6 million was approved for a third series and on 24 July 2017 NZ$6.5 million was approved for a fourth series. In September an additional NZ$1.2 million was approved for series four.

Filming for series one commenced on 12 October and concluded on 17 December 2014. Filming for series two commenced on 27 September 2015 and concluded on 19 January 2016. Filming for series three commenced on 30 October 2016 and concluded on 3 February 2017. Filming for series four commenced on 19 November 2017 and concluded on 18 March 2018.


A number of different systems of classification of ethnicity in the United Kingdom exist. These schemata have been the subject of debate, including about the nature of ethnicity, how or whether it can be categorised, and the relationship between ethnicity, race, and nationality.

The 1991 UK census was the first to include a question on ethnicity. Field trials had started in 1975 to establish whether a question could be devised that was acceptable to the public and would provide information on race or ethnicity that would be more reliable than questions about an individual's parents' birthplaces. A number of different questions and answer classifications were suggested and tested, culminating in the April 1989 census test. The question used in the later 1991 census was similar to that tested in 1989, and took the same format on the census forms in England, Wales and Scotland. However, the question was not asked in Northern Ireland. The tick-boxes used in 1991 were "White", "Black-Caribbean", "Black-African", "Black-Other (please describe)", "Indian", "Pakistani", "Bangladeshi", "Chinese" and "Any other ethnic group (please describe)".

Sociologist Peter J. Aspinall has categorised what he regards as a number of "persistent problems with salient collective terminology". These problems are ambiguity in respect of the populations that are described by different labels, the invisibility of white minority groups in official classifications, the acceptability of the terms used to those that they describe, and whether the collectivities have any substantive meaning.

The police services of the UK began to classify arrests in racial groups in 1975, but later replaced the race code with an Identity Code (IC) system.

One of the recommendations of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry was that people stopped and searched by the police should have their self-defined ethnic identity recorded. In March 2002, the Association of Chief Police Officers proposed a new system for self-definition, based on the 2001 census. From 1 April 2003, police forces were required to use this new system. Police forces and civil and emergency services, the NHS and local authorities in England and Wales may refer to this as the "6+1" system, named after the 6 classifications of ethnicity plus one category for "not stated".

The IC classification is still used for descriptions of suspects by police officers amongst themselves, but does risk incorrectly identifying a victim, a witness or a suspect compared to that person's own description of their ethnicity. When a person is stopped by a police officer exercising statutory powers and asked to provide information under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act, they are asked to select one of the five main categories representing broad ethnic groups and then a more specific cultural background from within this group. Officers must record the respondent's answer, not their own opinion. The "6+1" IC code system remains widely used, when the police are unable to stop a suspect and ask them to give their self-defined ethnicity.

The Department for Education's annual school census collects data on pupils in nurseries, primary, middle, secondary and special schools. This includes ethnicity data for pupils who are aged 5 or over at the beginning of the school year in August. The guidance notes on data collection note that ethnicity is a personal, subjective awareness, and that pupils and their parents can refuse to answer the ethnicity question. The codes used are based on the categories used in the 2001 UK census, with added "Travellers of Irish heritage", "Gypsy/Roma heritage" and "Sri Lankan Other" categories. If these codes are judged to not meet local needs, local authorities may use a Department for Education approved list of extended categories. The National Pupil Database attempts to match pupils' educational attainment to their characteristics gathered in the school census, including ethnicity. However, according to HM Inspectorate for Education and Training in Wales, the database contains data inaccuracies. A few of the local authorities and schools had also never accessed the repository, and some of these institutions were unaware of its existence. The NPD was also used least by the majority of local authorities and schools, with 65 percent deeming this method of educational data analysis to be of limited use, about 23 percent considering it to be fairly useful, and only around 11 percent regarding it as being very useful. Most schools and local authorities instead used the Welsh Assembly Government's national free school meal (FSM) benchmark data, which ranks a school's performance relative to other groups of schools with comparable free school meal levels. Around 55 percent of schools and local authorities deemed the benchmark data very useful, 35 percent considered it fairly useful, and only about 10 percent regarded it as being of limited use. Additionally, researchers conducting analysis for the London Borough of Lambeth have argued that broad ethnic groupings such as "black African" or "white other" can hide significant variation in educational performance, so they instead recommend the use of language categories.

The ethnic group categories used in the National Health Service in England are based on the 2001 census. It has been argued that this causes problems, as other agencies such as social services use the newer 2011 census categories. In Scotland, the 2011 Scottish census categories are now used. In 2011, Scotland started to record ethnicity on death certificates, becoming the first country in the world to do so. Ethnicity data is not routinely recorded on birth certificates in any part of the UK.

Whether the official UK ethnic group classifications are useful for research on health is the subject of debate. Peter Aspinall argues that the 2001 census categories fail to adequately break down the "white" group and ignore ethno-religious differences between South Asian groups, amongst other issues. Writing in the Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, Charles Agyemang, Raj Bhopal and Marc Bruijnzeels argue that: "The current groupings of African descent populations in the USA and the UK such as Black, Black African, and African American hide the huge heterogeneity within these groups, which weakens the value of ethnic categorisation as a means of providing culturally appropriate health care, and in understanding the causes of ethnic differences in disease. Such broad terms may not fit with self definition of ethnicity"


Academic journal publishing reform is the advocacy for changes in the way academic journals are created and distributed in the age of the Internet and the advent of electronic publishing. Since the rise of the Internet, people have organized campaigns to change the relationships among and between academic authors, their traditional distributors and their readership. Most of the discussion has centered on taking advantage of benefits offered by the Internet's capacity for widespread distribution of reading material.

Although it has some historical precedent, open access became desired in response to the advent of electronic publishing as part of a broader desire for academic journal publishing reform. Electronic publishing created new benefits as compared to paper publishing but beyond that, it contributed to causing problems in traditional publishing models.

The premises behind open access are that there are viable funding models to maintain traditional academic publishing standards of quality while also making the following changes to the field:

1. Rather than making journals be available through a subscription business model, all academic publications should be free to read and published with some other funding model. Publications should be gratis or "free to read".
2. Rather than applying traditional notions of copyright to academic publications, readers should be free to build upon the research of others. Publications should be libre or "free to build upon".
3. Everyone should have greater awareness of the serious social problems caused by restricting access to academic research.
4. Everyone should recognize that there are serious economic challenges for the future of academic publishing. Even though open access models are problematic, traditional publishing models definitely are not sustainable and something radical needs to change immediately.

Open access also has ambitions beyond merely granting access to academic publications, as access to research is only a tool for helping people achieve other goals. Open access advances scholarly pursuits in the fields of open data, open government, open educational resources, free and open-source software, and open science, among others.

The motivations for academic journal publishing reform include the ability of computers to store large amounts of information, the advantages of giving more researchers access to preprints, and the potential for interactivity between researchers.

Various studies showed that the demand for open access research was such that freely available articles consistently had impact factors which were higher than articles published under restricted access.

Some universities reported that modern "package deal" subscriptions were too costly for them to maintain, and that they would prefer to subscribe to journals individually to save money.

Publishers state that if profit was not a consideration in the pricing of journals then the cost of accessing those journals would not substantially change. Publishers also state that they add value to publications in many ways, and without academic publishing as an institution these services the readership would miss these services and fewer people would have access to articles.

Critics of open access have suggested that by itself, this is not a solution to scientific publishing's most serious problem – it simply changes the paths through which ever-increasing sums of money flow. Evidence for this does exist and for example, Yale University ended its financial support of BioMed Central's Open Access Membership program effective July 27, 2007. In their announcement, they stated: The libraries’ BioMedCentral membership represented an opportunity to test the technical feasibility and the business model of this open access publisher. While the technology proved acceptable, the business model failed to provide a viable long-term revenue base built upon logical and scalable options. Instead, BioMedCentral has asked libraries for larger and larger contributions to subsidize their activities. Starting with 2005, BioMed Central article charges cost the libraries $4,658, comparable to single biomedicine journal subscription. The cost of article charges for 2006 then jumped to $31,625. The article charges have continued to soar in 2007 with the libraries charged $29,635 through June 2007, with $34,965 in potential additional article charges in submission.

Opponents of the open access model see publishers as a part of the scholarly information chain and view a pay-for-access model as being necessary in ensuring that publishers are adequately compensated for their work. "In fact, most STM [Scientific, Technical and Medical] publishers are not profit-seeking corporations from outside the scholarly community, but rather learned societies and other non-profit entities, many of which rely on income from journal subscriptions to support their conferences, member services, and scholarly endeavors". Scholarly journal publishers that support pay-for-access claim that the "gatekeeper" role they play, maintaining a scholarly reputation, arranging for peer review, and editing and indexing articles, require economic resources that are not supplied under an open access model. Conventional journal publishers may also lose customers to open access publishers who compete with them. The Partnership for Research Integrity in Science and Medicine (PRISM), a lobbying organization formed by the Association of American Publishers (AAP), is opposed to the open access movement. PRISM and AAP have lobbied against the increasing trend amongst funding organizations to require open publication, describing it as "government interference" and a threat to peer review.


The Champaign–Urbana metropolitan area, also known as Champaign–Urbana and Urbana–Champaign as well as Chambana (colloquially), is a metropolitan area in east-central Illinois. As defined by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), the metropolitan area has a population of 222,538 as of the 2020 U.S. Census, which ranks it as the 207th largest metropolitan statistical area in the U.S. The area is anchored by the principal cities of Champaign and Urbana, and is home to the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, the flagship campus of the University of Illinois system.

As of March 2020, the OMB defines the metropolitan area (officially designated the Champaign–Urbana, IL MSA) to consist of Champaign County and Piatt County. Until 2018, Ford County was considered a part of the metropolitan area.

Journalists frequently treat the metropolitan area as just one city. For example, in 1998, Newsweek included the Champaign-Urbana Metropolitan Area in its list of the top ten tech cities outside of Silicon Valley. Champaign-Urbana also ranked tenth as one of the top twenty-five green cities in the United States, in a 2007 survey made by Country Home magazine.

A number of major developments have significantly changed downtown Champaign since the beginning of the 21st century. Beginning in the 1990s, city government began to aggressively court development, including by investing millions of dollars in public funds into downtown improvements and by offering developers incentives, such as liquor licenses, to pursue projects in the area. The 9-story M2 on Neil project is such an example. The project began in 2007 by taking down the facade of the deteriorated Trevett-Mattis Banking Co. which previously occupied the building site. The facade was retained on the M2 building. Residents first began to lease space in the M2 in the winter of 2009. The M2 includes not just condos for residential occupation, but also retail and office space in its lower floors, a common trend in new developments in the urban core. Across the street, a 9-story Hyatt Place boutique hotel opened in the summer of 2014. In the Campustown area adjoining the University of Illinois, the new 24-story highrise apartment building 309 Green was ostensibly completed in the fall of 2007 but had partial occupancy at least through the fall of 2008. It is 256 feet (78 m) tall, making it a full 3 stories higher than the older 21-story Tower at Third, the first contribution to the Urbana–Champaign skyline. The Burnham 310 Project, at 18 stories, which is also taller (in overall height), was finished in the fall of 2008 and includes student luxury apartments and a County Market grocery store. Burnham 310 connects downtown Champaign to Campustown. In 2013-14, four other mixed-use buildings (apartments above commercial) have been built in Campustown, with heights of 26, 13, 8, and 5 stories. On the University of Illinois campus, Memorial Stadium has gone under major renovation, with construction of new stands, clubs, and luxury suites. Across Kirby Avenue, the Assembly Hall, first built in 1963 and renamed the State Farm Center as part of a major renovation begun in 2014, continues to be the home of Illinois basketball and has resumed hosting concerts and other performing arts after renovation was completed in late 2016. In the late 2000s, the restoration of the Champaign County Courthouse bell tower capped the expansion and renovation of Courthouse facilities and provided a striking focal point in downtown Urbana. These, among other developments, have given the Twin Cities a more urban feel.

The Champaign-Urbana Metro area has two hospitals located less than a mile apart near University Avenue in Urbana. The Carle Foundation Hospital, and OSF Heart of Mary Medical Center, with a combined total of over 550 physicians. Both hospitals provide various specialized services, and Carle Hospital currently has a Level III Neonatal Intensive Care Unit, a Level I Trauma Center, and a medical helicopter service. Both hospitals have struggled to maintain their tax-exempt status with the State of Illinois.

Carle Clinic Association was purchased by the Carle Foundation in 2010. It was renamed Carle Foundation Physician Services, and it maintains several locations next to the hospital, as well as other locations within Champaign-Urbana and other East Central Illinois cities. Christie Clinic, another smaller multi-specialty group practice, is headquartered in downtown Champaign. They are largely affiliated with OSF, but not as closely linked as their Carle counterparts are.

Both hospitals and clinics are affiliated with the University of Illinois College of Medicine at Urbana, part of the larger University of Illinois College of Medicine, which has campuses in Chicago, Peoria, Rockford, and Urbana. The College has a teaching presence at both hospitals, although the facilities are somewhat more extensive at Carle Foundation Hospital.

Piatt County, which is included in the Champaign-Urbana Metro Area, also has a hospital. Kirby Medical Center is a general medical and surgical facility located in Monticello. Both Carle Clinic and Christie Clinic have satellite facilities located at Kirby.

The Champaign-Urbana Metropolitan Area is home to many theatres. The University is home to three theatre venues; Foellinger Auditorium, Assembly Hall and the Krannert Center for the Performing Arts. While the Assembly Hall is primarily a campus basketball and concert arena, the Krannert Center for the Performing Arts is considered to be one of the nation's top venues for performance and hosts over 400 performances annually. Built in 1969, the Krannert Center's facilities cover over four acres (16,000 sq. m) of land, and features four theatres and an amphitheatre.

The Historic Virginia Theatre in downtown Champaign is a public venue owned by the city of Champaign and administered by the Champaign Park District. It is best known for hosting Roger Ebert's Film Festival which occurs annually during the last week of April. The Virginia also features a variety of performances from community theatre with the Champaign Urbana Theatre Company, to post box-office showings of popular films, current artistic films, live musical performances (both orchestral and popular), and other types of shows. First commissioned in 1921, it originally served as a venue for both film and live performances, but became primarily a movie house in the 1950s. Occasional live events were held during the 1970s and 1980s, including a live production of "Oh, Calcutta" and performances by George Benson, Stevie Ray Vaughan, Missing Persons, and the Indigo Girls. GKC Corporation closed the Virginia as a movie house on February 13, 1992, with the final regular film being Steve Martin's "Father of the Bride". The theatre once again began holding regular live performances when it was leased to local gospel singer David Wyper in 1992. The Champaign-Urbana Theatre Company was formed to perform major musicals and opened their first season with "The Music Man" that June. Control passed to the Virginia Theatre group in 1996 and the theatre became a non-profit public venue. The Champaign Park District assumed control of the facilities in 2000. Its original Wurlitzer theatre pipe organ has been maintained by Warren York since 1988 and is still played regularly.

The Art Theater in downtown Champaign began as Champaign's first theatre devoted to movies, the Park, in 1913, and was a small venue showing films not normally playing at the box office. The theatre was the only single-screen movie theatre with daily operation as a movie theatre in Champaign-Urbana. The theater ceased operations on October 31 of 2019. The Virginia, which hosts Roger Ebert's Annual Overlooked Film Festival, is also single-screen, but only opens for special showings and events. Rapp and Rapp's 1914 Orpheum Theatre closed in the mid-1980s and now houses a children's science museum. Parkland College in Champaign features a small theatre called the Parkland College Theatre and a planetarium called the William M. Staerkel Planetarium.


Self-blame is a cognitive process in which an individual attributes the occurrence of a stressful event to oneself. The direction of blame often has implications for individuals’ emotions and behaviors during and following stressful situations. Self-blame is a common reaction to stressful events and has certain effects on how individuals adapt. Types of self-blame are hypothesized to contribute to depression, and self-blame is a component of self-directed emotions like guilt and self-disgust. Because of self-blame's commonality in response to stress and its role in emotion, self-blame should be examined using psychology's perspectives on stress and coping. This article will attempt to give an overview of the contemporary study on self-blame in psychology.

While conceptualizations of stress have differed, the most dominant accounts in current psychology are appraisal-based models of stress. These models define stress as a reaction to a certain type of subjective appraisal, done by an individual, of the circumstances he or she is in. Specifically, stress occurs when an individual decides that a factor in the environment puts demands on the individual beyond his or her current ability to deal with it. The process of rating situations as demanding or nondemanding is called appraisal, and this process can occur quickly and without conscious awareness. Appraisal models of stress are sometimes called “interactional” because the occurrence of stress depends on an interaction between characteristics of the person, especially goals, and the environmental situation. Only if the individual perceives a situation to threaten his or her goals does stress occur. This structure explains the fact that individuals often differ in their emotional and stress responses when they are presented with similar situations. Stress does not come from events themselves, but from the conflict of the event with an individual's goals. While researchers disagree about the time-course of appraisals, how appraisals are made, and the degree to which individuals differ in their appraisals, appraisal-models of stress are dominant in psychology. Appraisals may occur without conscious awareness. Stress itself is a systemic psychological state that includes a subjective “feel” and a motivational-component (the individual desires to reduce stress); some researchers consider stress to be a subset of or a closely related system to emotions, which likewise depend on appraisal and motivate behavior.

Once this appraisal has occurred, actions taken to reduce stress constitute coping processes. Coping can involve changes to the situation-environment relationship (changing the situation or the goals that led to stress appraisal), reducing the emotional consequences of a stress appraisal, or avoiding thinking about the stressful situation. Categorizations of types of coping vary between researchers. Coping strategies differ in their effects on subjective well-being; for example, positive reappraisal is consistently found to be a correlate of higher subjective-well being, while distraction from stressors is typically a negative correlate of well-being. Coping behaviors constitute the moderating factor between events and circumstances on one hand and psychological outcomes, like well-being or mental disorders, on the other. Causal attributions of the event are a way to deal with the stress of an event, and so self-blame is a type of coping. During and after traumatic events, individuals’ appraisals affect how stressful the event is, their beliefs on what caused the event, meanings they may derive from the event, and changes they make in their future behavior.

A classification of self-blame into characterological and behavioral types has been proposed to distinguish whether individuals are putting blame on changeable or unchangeable causes. This division, first proposed by Janoff-Bulman, defines behavioral self-blame (BSB) as causal attribution of an event's occurrence to specific, controllable actions that the individual took. Characterological self-blame (CSB), on the other hand, is attribution of blame to factors of the self that are uncontrollable and stable over time (e.g. “I am the type of person that gets taken advantage of”). CSB attributions are harder to change than behavioral attributions of blame. The development of these categories comes from observation of depressed individuals; sufferers often display feelings of helplessness and lack of control while simultaneously blaming their choices for negative occurrences, resulting in the so-called “paradox of depression”. From an outside perspective, it would seem that blaming one's actions implies that the individual can choose better in the future. However, if this blame is towards uncontrollable characteristics (CSB), not choosable actions (BSB), the factors resulting in a negative outcome were uncontrollable. BSB and CSB are thus proposed to be activities that, while related, are distinct and differ in their effects when used as coping processes.

Empirical findings support the existence of the behavioral/characterological distinction in self-blame. For one, BSB is much more common than CSB Tilghman-Osbourne, 2008) A factor analyses of individuals’ attributions of blame and their ability to predict psychological symptoms have identified two clusters of self-blame: a factor of blame for the type of victim, correlated with self-contempt and self-disgust; and a factor of blame towards poor judgment or choices of the victim, correlated with guilt. These factors closely correspond to CSB and BSB definitions, and so the study provides some theoretical support that individuals assign self-blame differently to unchoosable characteristics and choices they have made. Research has also compared CSB and BSB to moral emotions that individuals have, such as guilt and shame. CSB and shame had convergent validity to predict depressive symptoms in adolescents. On the other hand, guilt and BSB did not show convergent validity, and some evidence suggests further subtypes of guilt and BSB. Factor analysis of adolescents self-blame from bullying showed differences between attributions of CSB and BSB.

However, though distinct types of self-blame have been identified, evidence distinguishing their effectiveness as coping have been mixed. Evidence on the effects of BSB is mixed. Both CSB and BSB predicted depressive symptoms in rape victims, though CSB also had a higher relationship with future fear, and both types correlated positively with symptoms of psychological disorder in domestic abuse victims. CSB mediated the relationship between bullying victimization and anxiety, loneliness, and low-self worth in middle-school students, while BSB had no positive or negative effect on well-being. Other studies did not find significant effects of self-blame on psychological outcomes. One study found that BSB and CSB had a concurrent relationship with depressive symptoms, but no role to predict depressive symptoms in the future, while another found that only CSB concurrently correlated with depressive symptoms. One study of Ullman and colleagues found no effect of CSB to predict PTSD or depressive symptoms from sexual abuse. Parents of children killed by sudden infant death syndrome showed no predictive relationship of BSB or CSB and future distress.

Many studies, including recent ones, continue to treat self-blame as a unified factor. Studies that conflate the terms of self-blame tend to find negative psychological impacts; the notable exception is the seminal Bulman & Wortman study of accident paralysis victims, which noted the adaptive effect of self-blame to improve victims’ recovery.


Live After Death is a live album by English heavy metal band Iron Maiden, originally released in October 1985 on EMI in Europe and its sister label Capitol Records in the US (it was re-released by Sanctuary/Columbia Records in the US in 2002 on CD and by Universal Music Group/Sony BMG Music Entertainment on DVD). It was recorded at Long Beach Arena, California and Hammersmith Odeon, London during the band's World Slavery Tour.

The video version of the concert only contains footage from the Long Beach shows. It was initially released though Sony as a "Video LP" on VHS hi-fi stereo and Beta hi-fi stereo with 14 songs and no special features and was reissued on DVD on 4 February 2008, which coincided with the start of the band's Somewhere Back in Time World Tour. In addition to the complete concert, the DVD features Part 2 of The History of Iron Maiden documentary series, which began with 2004's The Early Days and continued with 2013's Maiden England '88, documenting the recording of the Powerslave album and the following World Slavery Tour.

Iron Maiden's World Slavery Tour began in Warsaw, Poland on 9 August 1984 and lasted 331 days, during which 187 concerts were performed. To tie in with their 1984 album, Powerslave, the tour's stage show adhered to an ancient Egyptian theme, which was decorated with sarcophagi and Egyptian hieroglyphs, and mummified representations of the band's mascot, Eddie, in addition to numerous pyrotechnic effects. The theatricality of the stage show meant that it would become one of the band's most acclaimed tours, making it the perfect backdrop to their first live double album and concert video.

The double LP was also recorded at Long Beach, although side four contains tracks recorded at Hammersmith Odeon, London on 8, 9, 10 and 12 October 1984. Bassist Steve Harris has stated that, even if they had had the time, they would not have added any studio overdubbing to the soundtrack: "We were really anti all that, anyway. We were very much, like, 'This has got to be totally live,' you know?"

The album has received consistent critical praise, with reviewers hailing it one of the genre's best live albums. For the band, the release was advantageous as it meant they could delay the recording of their next studio album, 1986's Somewhere in Time. Time off was beneficial for the band, who desperately needed to recuperate following the World Slavery Tour's heavy schedule.

Live After Death has been highly rated by critics since its release; Kerrang! and Sputnikmusic both agree that it is "possibly the greatest live album of all time", while AllMusic describes it as "easily one of heavy metal's best live albums".

Sputnikmusic argues that it is the band's best live album, concluding that "Iron Maiden's 1985 release has everything you could ask for. With, exciting renditions of classic songs, and brilliant performances, Live After Death is quite a fun listen." PopMatters describes it as "a searing, 102-minute collection of Maiden at [their] peak ... an absolute treasure for fans [which] went on to be universally regarded as an instant classic in the genre".

The album's video counterpart received similar critical acclaim, with AllMusic stating that "Live After Death is a visual pleasure as much as a sonic one. The elaborate staging and lighting effects are excellent. The editing is superb as well with very few rapid-fire, seizure-inducing camera cuts". The bonus features included in the 2008 DVD reissue were also praised by PopMatters, Kerrang! and About.com.

The album has also been described by Classic Rock as "the last great live album of the vinyl era."


The Humans is a puzzle-platform video game developed by Imagitec Design in Dewsbury, England and originally published by Mirage Technologies for the Amiga in May 1992. It was later ported to other home computers and consoles. The goal of the game varies per level but usually revolves around bringing at least one of the player-controlled humans to the designated end area marked by a colored tile. Doing this requires players taking advantage of the tribe's ability to build a human ladder and use tools such as spears, torches, wheels, ropes and a witch doctor in later levels.

The Humans was conceived by Rodney Humble during his time working with Imagitec Design as a project for the Atari Lynx spawning a trilogy based upon the human evolution inspired by Psygnosis' Lemmings, creating and drawing his ideas before transferring the design work to Imagitec programmers in developing them further, serving as the first game to be published by MicroProse offshoot Mirage, while Atari Corporation liked the title and commissioned two additional conversions for their platforms.

The Humans was very well received by video game magazines and garnered praise for the originality, presentation and audio upon its initial Amiga launch. Other versions of the game have been met with a more mixed reception from critics and reviewers alike. It was followed by three sequels: The Humans: Insult to Injury in 1992, Humans 3: Evolution - Lost in Time in 1995, and The Humans: Meet the Ancestors! in 2009.

The Humans is a puzzle game similar to Lemmings whose objective is to manipulate the given number of humans, taking advantage of abilities and tools to achieve the level's goal, usually consisting of finding a certain tool, killing a certain number of dinosaurs or bringing at least one human to the end point, marked by a conspicuous colored tile. Each level is independent of the next, each with its own tools, goal, and set number of humans allowed per level. The only things that carry from level to level are the total number of humans in the player's tribe and the player's total score.

The player controls one human at a time, and may switch between any human at any time. In order to complete a level, it is often necessary to use certain tools or abilities, such as stacking to reach a high ledge. For instance, the spear, a tool obtained in the first level of the game, may be thrown across gaps to other humans, used to jump chasms, thrown to kill dinosaurs or other enemies, or brandished to hold off dinosaurs temporarily. Certain levels also feature NPCs like the pterodactylus that can be ridden in order to reach otherwise unreachable platforms, that cannot be controlled, but can be used to the player's advantage. Several forms of enemy appear and can range from dinosaurs that eat a human if he is unarmed and within its walking range to spear-wielding members of enemy tribes.

There can be up to eight controllable humans in a level, though some levels only allow as few as three. Though there is a preset number of humans allowed per level, there is no limit to how many humans are in the player's tribe. If a human dies, he is replaced by one from the tribe as long as there are humans there to replace him. During the course of the game, the player is given chances to rescue other humans and add them to his tribe. If there are fewer humans in the player's tribe than the minimum required number for any given level, the game is over. Each level, however, has a password that can be used to jump to that particular level from the beginning of the game.

The Humans was the creation of former Imagitec Design designer Rodney Humble during his time working at the company in Dewsbury who, inspired by Psygnosis' Lemmings and its puzzle elements, created and drew his ideas on storyboards before transferring his work to the Imagitec programmers, developing them further into a trilogy based upon the human evolution. Coding on the project started in December 1991, with Suspicious Cargo programmer David Lincoln being responsible for the Amiga version, although design work originally started on the Atari Lynx under the working titles Dino Dudes and Dino World. Atari Corporation reportedly liked the game and commissioned Imagitec with two additional conversions for their Atari Falcon and Atari Jaguar platforms respectively.

The Humans' creation process was overseen by co-producers Martin Hooley and Simon Golding, the latter of which oversaw all versions of the game. Golding stated that the production was inspired by Lemmings instead of being "a rip-off" but focusing towards "bigger graphics", a cartoon-esque feeling reminiscent of short films like Tom and Jerry, more varied levels, among other features. Lincoln employed Cross Products' SNASM programming tool to write the code on an editor using a PC before porting it to Amiga for testing. Artists Andrew Gilmour and Michael Hanrahan drew the pixel art, while composers Barry Leitch and Ian Howe were responsible for the soundtrack. Other members at Imagitec were also involved in the title's production across every subsequent version released.


Admiral Fasih Bokhari (8 March 1942 – 24 November 2020) was a Pakistani admiral who served as the Chief of Naval Staff from 1997 to 1999. He was a well-known pacifist and a prominent political figure as the Chief of Naval Staff from 1997 until his voluntary resignation in 1999, which stemmed from his staunch opposition to the then-Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf's instigation of the Kargil War with India, a conflict that Bokhari reportedly saw as an act of inappropriate and uncoordinated aggression from Pakistan and one that subsequently led him into a bitter dispute with Musharraf. Bokhari also served as the chairman of the National Accountability Bureau, a Pakistani anti-corruption agency.

In 1999, Bokhari publicly disagreed and revolted against the decision of then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to extend Pervez Musharraf's tenure as the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee preceding the latter's supersession as the Chief of Army Staff. He is notable for his war opposition stance, having called for public introspections about Musharraf's decisions related to the 1999 Kargil War in 2000.

In 2011, Bokhari was appointed as the chairman of the National Accountability Bureau by President Asif Ali Zardari. However, his appointment was mired in public controversies, leading to his eventual removal by the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 2013.

In 2007, Bokhari became the President of the Pakistan Ex Servicemen Association which he remained until 2010 before becoming the Convenor of The Save Pakistan Coalition in 2010.

On 17 October 2011, Bokhari was appointed Chairman of the National Accountability Bureau by the then-President Asif Ali Zardari, which the president also confirmed his appointment. His appointment was met with the controversy when then-Opposition leader Nisar Ali Khan raised objection to the nomination on technical grounds but was rejected by the President Zardari. In 2012, he vowed to eliminate the corruption and maintained that the NAB should adapt to eliminate corruption from the country.

Following his appointment, Admiral Bokhari's appointment was challenged by then-Opposition leader Ali Khan after he submitted a complaint at the Supreme Court of Pakistan on technicality. In 2013, Senior Justice T.H. Jillani declared the Bokhari's appointment as "null and void." On 28 May 2013, President Zardari approved the summary that officially terminated Fasih Bokhari's appointment as chairman of NAB.

After his famous revolt and resignation, Admiral Bokhari began his political activism aimed towards peace between two countries and showed opposition towards wars. In 2002 and again in 2011, Admiral Bokhari pressed for constituting a commission that would introspect the events that led to the Kargil War and showed his willingness to testify before an inquiry commission that would be formed by the government of the day. His support for forming an inquiry commission was supported by then-air chief PQ Mehdi, Lieutenant-General Gulzar Kiyani (DGMI), Lieutenant-General Tauqeer Zia (DGMO), Lieutenant-General Shahid Aziz (DG ISI Analysis Wing), and Lieutenant-General Abdul Majeed Malik.

After the Kargil War and coup d'état in 1999, followed by the military standoff between two nations, Admiral Bokhari became politically active in supporting peace and expressing opposition to war by pressing towards the idea of resolving any possible sources of future conflict at sea.

The Indian Navy's former Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral J.G. Nadkarni recently opined that Pakistan had sensible mariners in decision-making positions who were keen to have agreements with the Indian Navy. Admiral Fasih Bokhari, Pakistan's naval chief from 1997 to 1999, was a great proponent of maritime co-operation with India and believed that it would benefit both countries."

From 2010–2011, Admiral Bokhari wrote column based on defence and strategic strategies for the English-language newspaper, Express Tribune, where he focused on peaceful coexistence with India and balanced relations with the United States and Afghanistan.

In 2002, Admiral Bokhari quoted that: he knew about General Musharraf’s plans to topple Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and did not want to be part of these "Dirty Games". Admiral Bokhari also noted that a power struggle between an elected Prime Minister and appointed-Chairman joint chiefs ensued and relations were severely damaged after the Kargil war.

Before enforcing the martial law in 1999 against the elected government, Admiral Bokhari noted: "The two men could not work together, both were preparing to take active actions against each other. I could see that there now two centers of power on a collision course". At an informal meeting held at the Navy NHQ in September 1999, Chairman joint chiefs General Musharraf indicated his displeasure with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's handling of the country describing Prime Minister Sharif as "incompetent and incapable of running the country." Admiral Bokhari firmly got the impression whether General Musharraf was sounding out to rely on the support from the Navy in the event of the coup and Admiral Bokhari discouraged the Chairman joint chiefs from doing so.

He contended that the Lahore Declaration process was the best trajectory for Pakistan and should be continued through a political dialogue. He further added that any rupture in the dialogue process would set the country back. Bokhari realised that this meeting was held to secure his support against the elected government


An indirect tax (such as sales tax, per unit tax, value added tax (VAT), or goods and services tax (GST), excise, consumption tax, tariff) is a tax that is levied upon goods and services before they reach the customer who ultimately pays the indirect tax as a part of market price of the good or service purchased. Alternatively, if the entity who pays taxes to the tax collecting authority does not suffer a corresponding reduction in income, i.e., impact and tax incidence are not on the same entity meaning that tax can be shifted or passed on, then the tax is indirect.

An indirect tax is collected by an intermediary (such as a retail store) from the person (such as the consumer) who pays the tax included in the price of a purchased good. The intermediary later files a tax return and forwards the tax proceeds to government with the return. In this sense, the term indirect tax is contrasted with a direct tax, which is collected directly by government from the persons (legal or natural) on whom it is imposed. Some commentators have argued that "a direct tax is one that cannot be charged by the taxpayer to someone else, whereas an indirect tax can be."

Indirect taxes constitute a significant proportion of total tax revenue raised by the government. Data published by OECD show that the average indirect tax share of total tax revenue for all member countries in 2018 was 32.7% with standard deviation 7.9%. The member country with the highest share was Chile with 53.2% and at the other end was USA with 17.6%. The general trend in direct vs indirect tax ratio in total tax revenue over past decades in developed countries shows an increase in direct tax share of total tax revenue. Although this trend is also observed in developing countries, the trend is less pronounced there than in developed countries.

Tax incidence of indirect taxes is not clear, in fact, statutory (legal) incidence in most cases tells us nothing about economic (final) incidence. The incidence of indirect tax imposed on a good or service depends on price elasticity of demand (PED) and price elasticity of supply (PES) of a concerned good or service. In case the good has an elastic demand and inelastic supply, the tax burden falls mainly on the producer of the good, whereas the burden of the good with an inelastic demand and elastic supply falls mainly on consumers. The only case when the burden of indirect tax falls totally on consumers, i.e., statutory and economic incidence are the same, is when the supply of a good is perfectly elastic and its demand is perfectly inelastic, which is, however, a very rare case. The shifting of the tax incidence may be both intentional and unintentional. In fact, economic subject may shift the tax burden to other economic subject by changing their market behavior. For example, tax imposed on the output of a firm's good may lead to higher consumer prices, reduced wages paid to firm's employees and reduced returns to firm's owners and shareholders or reduced supply of the good on the market, or any combination of mentioned consequences.

Indirect taxes have substantial regressive impact on the distribution of income since indirect tax is usually imposed on goods and services irrespective of consumer's income. In practice, the effective indirect tax rate is higher for individuals with lower income, meaning that an individual with lower income spends on a good or service higher proportion of their income than an individual with higher income. For example, consider a good with $100 sales tax imposed on it. An individual with the income $10,000 pays 1% of their income as the tax while a poorer individual with income $5,000 pays 2% of their income. Moreover, the regressivity of indirect tax system impacts the total progressivity of tax systems of countries given the importance of indirect tax revenues in government budget and the degree of regressivity of indirect tax system, which ranges among countries. Furthermore, the extent of regressive nature of an indirect tax depends on the type of indirect tax.  Empirical evidence suggests that excise taxes are in general more regressive than VAT. This could be attributed to the fact that excise taxes are levied on goods such as alcohol, tobacco, and these goods comprise a higher share of budgets among poorer households, while at the same time, poorer households are likely to consume goods with reduced VAT rates given that in some countries there is a VAT deduction on necessities such as food and medicine. As a result of the regressive nature of indirect taxes and the fact that they tend to be unresponsive to economic conditions, they cannot act as automatic stabilizers within the economy, unlike some of direct taxes.

Indirect taxes, specifically excise taxes, are attractive because they have a corrective nature. Such taxes raise revenue and at the same time they correct a market failure through increasing price of the good and thus decreasing its consumption. Therefore, less revenue needs to be raised through other taxes, which could be more distortionary, to cover the market failure. The economy benefits from the reduced extent of the negative externality and from lower reliance on other taxes that distort production. Apart from generating revenue and reducing the consumption of goods creating negative externalities, excise taxes can be tailored to impose tax burdens on those who cause the negative externality or those who benefit from government services. Examples are petrol tax, argued to be user fees for the government provided roads, and tobacco tax, imposed on smokers who through smoking create a negative externality of consumption. The design of such excise tax determines the consequences. Two main types of excise taxes are specific tax (tax imposed as fixed amount of money per unit) and ad valorem tax (tax imposed as the percentage of the price of a good). Specific and ad valorem taxes have identical consequences in competitive markets apart from differences in compliance and enforcement. As for imperfectly competitive markets, such as the cigarette market, ad valorem taxes are arguably better as they automatically produce higher per-unit taxes when firms reduce production to increase prices, whereas specific taxes need to be readjusted in this case, which is administratively and legislatively difficult process.


Closed communion is the practice of restricting the serving of the elements of Holy Communion (also called Eucharist, The Lord's Supper) to those who are members in good standing of a particular church, denomination, sect, or congregation. Though the meaning of the term varies slightly in different Christian theological traditions, it generally means that a church or denomination limits participation (with respect to the Eucharist) either to members of their own church, members of their own denomination, or members of some specific class (e.g., baptized members of evangelical churches). This restriction is based on various parameters, one of which is baptism.

A closed-communion church is one that excludes certain individuals (it specifically identifies) from receiving the communion. This standard varies from church to church. This is the known practice of most traditional churches that pre-date the Protestant Reformation. Other churches following the Protestant Reformation have their own rules of restrictions. In current churches of various denominations, across the spectrum, the rules of participating in the Eucharist are varied.

Churches which practice open communion allow all Christians to partake in the Lord's Supper, with membership in a particular Christian community not required to receive bread and wine; this in contrast to pre-Reformation churches, which hold that what is received in their celebrations ceases to be bread and wine.

The Roman Catholic Church practices closed communion. However, provided that "necessity requires it or true spiritual advantage suggests it" and that the danger of error or indifferentism is avoided, canon 844 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law of the Latin Church and the parallel canon 671 allow, in particular exceptional circumstances that are regulated by the diocesan bishop or conference of bishops, members who cannot approach a Catholic minister to receive the Eucharist from ministers of churches that have a valid Eucharist. It also permits properly disposed members of the Eastern churches who are not in full communion with the Roman Church (Eastern Orthodox Church, Oriental Orthodoxy and Assyrian Church of the East), and of churches judged to be in the same situation with regard to the sacraments to receive the Eucharist from Catholic ministers, if they seek it of their own accord. The Catholic Church distinguishes between Churches whose celebration of the Eucharist, as well as holy orders, it recognizes as valid and those of other Christian communities. In the case that it is impossible to approach a Catholic minister, that it is a case of real need or spiritual benefit, and that the danger of error or indifferentism is avoided, the Catholic Church permits its faithful to receive Communion in Orthodox Churches, although Orthodox Churches do not honour this and only permit Orthodox Christians to receive Communion in Orthodox Churches. The Catholic Church does not ordinarily allow a Catholic to receive communion in a Protestant church, since it does not consider Protestant ministers to be priests ordained by bishops in a line of valid succession from the apostles, although Moravians, Anglicans and some Lutherans teach that they ordain their clergy in lines of apostolic succession. It applies this rule also to the Anglican Communion, pursuant to Apostolicae curae, a position that the Church of England disputed in Saepius officio.

The Eastern Orthodox Church, comprising 14 to 17 autocephalous Orthodox hierarchical churches, is even more strictly a closed-communion Church. Thus, a member of the Russian Orthodox Church attending the Divine Liturgy in a Greek Orthodox Church will be allowed to receive communion and vice versa but, although Protestants, non-Trinitarian Christians, or Catholics may otherwise fully participate in an Orthodox Divine Liturgy, they will be excluded from communion. In the strictest sense, non-Orthodox may be present at the Divine Liturgy only up to the exclamation "The doors! The doors!" and ought to leave the church after that. However, this attitude has been relaxed in most Orthodox churches; a non-communicant may stay and participate in the Divine Liturgy but may not partake of the Eucharist. Thus, while in certain circumstances the Catholic Church allows its faithful who cannot approach a Catholic minister to receive the Eucharist from an Eastern Orthodox priest, the Eastern Orthodox Church does not admit them to receive the Eucharist from its ministers. At the very end of the Divine Liturgy, all people are invited to come up to receive a little piece of bread, called antidoron, which is blessed but not consecrated, being taken from the same loaf as the bread used in the consecration. Non-Orthodox present at the Liturgy are not only permitted but even encouraged to receive the blessed bread as an expression of Christian fellowship and love.

Confessional Lutheran churches, including the Lutheran Church–Missouri Synod and the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod, practice closed communion and require catechetical instruction for all people before receiving the Eucharist. Failing to do so is condemned by these Lutherans as the sin of unionism. This teaching comes from 1 Corinthians 10:16-17 which says, "Is not the cup of thanksgiving for which we give thanks a participation in the blood of Christ? And is not the bread that we break a participation in the body of Christ? Because there is one loaf, we, who are many, are one body, for we all share the one loaf" and Paul's teaching of fellowship in 1 Corinthians 1:10, "I appeal to you, brothers and sisters, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that all of you agree with one another in what you say and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be perfectly united in mind and thought." These Lutherans also take seriously God's threat in 1 Corinthians 11:27,29 that "Whoever eats the bread or drinks the cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner will be guilty of sinning against the body and blood of the Lord. A man ought to examine himself before he eats of the bread and drinks of this cup. For anyone who eats and drinks without recognizing the body of the Lord eats and drinks judgment on himself." Therefore, the belief is that, inviting those forward who have not been first instructed would be unloving on the church's part, because they would be inviting people forward to sin. This is described as akin to letting someone drink poison without stopping him.

Some Baptists and all American Baptist Association congregations practice closed communion even more strictly than do the Catholic, Lutheran, and Eastern Orthodox churches. They restrict the partaking of communion (or the Lord's Supper) to members of the local church observing the ordinance. Thus members from other churches, even members of other local churches of the same denomination, are excluded from participation. The Strict Baptists in the United Kingdom derive their name from this practice. In the United States the custom is usually, but not exclusively, associated with Landmark ecclesiology.